Kentucky Center for African American Heritage

 

 

 
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11.3
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High School – Grade 11
   

 

 

 

 

 

Illustration of a runaway slave
Runaway Slave

Core Content Guide

4.4.3
Natural disasters may affect decisions relative to human activities (e.g., adopting building codes, buying flood insurance).

5.1.2
Primary sources allow individuals
to experience history from the
perspectives of people who lived it.

5.2.4
During the Progressive Movement, World War I, and the Twenties, Americans experienced significant social, political, and economic changes (e.g., imperialism to isolationism, industrial capitalism, urbanization, political corruption, initiation of reforms).

   

 

11.3 From the Viewpoint of a Kentucky Slaveholder

Pre-Visit
How could a Kentucky slaveholder justify owning human beings as property? It is probably difficult for us, living today, to understand a time when human beings were held as enslaved persons—as the property of citizens in Kentucky. Because our government today honors persons of all races and genders as full citizens and protects the rights of all equally, we must look to primary source documents of the period before the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment, which ended slavery, in order to understand the perspective of slaveholders in Kentucky. Slavery was the foundation of the agriculture-based economy in Kentucky, and many farmers could not imagine how their farms could operate without slave labor. Some citizens believed that slavery should eventually end, as long as the farmer could be protected from failure as much as possible. Some citizens felt that they had a good relationship with the enslaved, one where they provided all that the enslaved needed to live, in exchange for his/her labor. Still others felt that slavery should continue and that the actions of the federal government conflicted with the rights guaranteed to property owners and individual state governments in the Constitution.

As a class, students read this 1865 letter by a Kentucky slaveholder to President Andrew Johnson. Students discuss the questions below and create footnotes for various terms and references in the letter, so that future readers understand the historical background of the writer’s arguments. Students develop the content of the footnotes independently, following discussions in class.

Students discuss/answer the following:

• How does Dr. Graham see slavery and his relationship with his slave(s)?

• Does he make statements that seem to be in conflict with his description of his slave as his friend?

• How does he try to make his reader (the President) pity the freed slaves?

• How does Dr. Graham find the federal army’s actions to be in conflict with the U. S. and Kentucky Constitutions?

• What examples does he provide of the hardships created by slaves who have been freed?

• Does the writer’s description of himself as an emancipationist and a Quaker seem to be in conflict with the ideas he expresses? Students define these terms in their footnotes:

• free papers

• Camp Nelson

• passes (“Palmer passes”)

• Dred-Scott case

• state rights

• emancipationist

• abolitionist

• Quaker

• Crab Orchard [Ky], July 24th 1865

1865 Letter
My Dear Sir; As you are at the head of a Government that admits of petitions and grievances, you will excuse this letter, which is intended more for your own good, for the honor of the nation, and for the harmony of the people and their good will towards yourself, than from anything I can expect from it. And now the simple question whether, (under the constitution of the U. States, the laws of Congress which authorized us to take our property from any state in the union, and under the constitution and the laws of Kentucky), my Tom belongs to me or to some unknown power under your individual influence; will bring my grievance and the complaint of Kentucky fairly and squarely up before your mind. Tom and I have lived together as mutual friends for fifty years, without a hard thought or harsh word passing. I gave him a good home, boarded him free of charge, nursed him when sick, clothed and fed his family and paid his debts, while Tom, on his part, seeing his family healthy and happy and protected from the wants of the world by a kind Master, Guardien, Friend or whatever you may see proper to call it, did his duty cheerfully. But now Tom comes to me with what he calls free papers from Camp Nelson and a pass to go where he pleases and to do what he pleases; and yet he is unhinged and unhappy, feeling that he is by his new master turned out upon the world with all its cares and troubles, without a home and without a protector He has seen those I myself set free, call upon me in times of distress, to help them to pay thier debts and to bury them, and knwing that his acceptance of those papers divorced him from me, he under no circumstancs would ever again have a right to call upon me. Thousands of such cases occur daily and hourly throughout Kentucky, where whole families, even sucking infants are taken off and exposed by their mothers, and I only mention Tom’s case, that like the Dred-Scot case, may represent all others. Tom was worth nothing to me, and in his case I have no feeling but pitty for him, but have a deep and abiding sense of feeling for the insecurity of all property, for if our constitutional rights can be invaded with impunity in one case or in one species of property, it may in all. Had I a pet-bird, worth nothing, taken from me and kept by force of arms, it would involve a principle alarming to every man in the community If the signeture of Tom Dick and Harry can free every man woman and child in Kentucky, as it is now doing, why disturb the nation and spend the people’s money in a struggle for a Constitutional Amendment?

We profess before foreign nations to be living under a written Constitution, a Divine and sacred instrument which protects life liberty and property, and it cannot then be by your approbation that the best of its citizens are, by arbitrary arrests and consequent death, with other acts, as above named, deprived of life liberty and property, and that in the face of Heaven and in open day! I then though an humble citizen, hold it as my privilege and feel it my duty to appeal to you, as our Legitimate (and I say) Good President, to save our count[r]y from the charge of infamy and the reccords of eternal disgrace…

…Though the Constitution of Kentucky forbids free blacks remaining in the state, they are bid, by Camp Nelson papers, to remain in it: and again, the laws of the State orders that no public conveyance shall take a slave off, without the consent of the Master, yet those papers order all conveyances to take them off. And now, if this is not a violation of the laws of Kentucky, a grievous wrong to her people and a gross insult to her National dignity; we may next strip our backs for the lash and sink in contempt with all mankind, who like yourself, have a high sense of personal honor and of state rights You would not—you could not respect craven and degraded Kentucky, were she too recreant to make her wrongs known to you.

I, this moment, hear that this high-handed and sudden breaking up of all our domestic relations and leaving our crops to perish for want of help, has been checked by your kind and just order, and were it sure, I would throw my pen down and cry long live Andrew Johnson, and long live the Government which he has cemented by just and kindly acts, but I fear you have not yet known our condition. Not having had time to supply the place of the blacks, we are forced to suffer On yesterday morning, there was hardly a servant to be found in our town. The man with a sickly wife had his cow to milk and the breakfast to get, while many an old and infirm widow, whose only son has fallen in the federal service, has now had the servant she reared with tenderness and care to be a support in her old days, taken from her, by that government she has given her all to support, and she left sadly and alone a begger upon the world. A fanatic and radical brute might say this is all right, for people should do their own work; but if by the order of any man or set of men, Washington should be suddenly deprived of all help, and Mr S. or any other member of your Cabinet had to get up and milk the cow and get their breakfast; circumstances would as quickly alter the case as they did with the farmer and the lawyer in the Fable of the ox and the cow. We feel that we as certainly own our slave property as any other, and any power which may rench it from us without consent or compensation is unjust; and be assured that he who submits to it, submits as does the traviller his purse to the highway robber, because the knife in across his throat—as has been beautifully expressed by my Friend Joseph Holt, your able Judge advocate, when speaking upon this very subject of state rights and domestic institutions. I am, myself, an emancipationist, and have written a work upon that subject, but my moral sense and my judgement of right have led all my efforts to do justice to the Master and to better the condition of the Slave. By the destinies of Providence and the original action of the Northern states, the blacks have been placed amongst us, and we cannot help it, nor can they help it; but all who know human nature know this—that an unprepared for and violent breaking up of all domestic control and turning loose four millions of beings upon the world, who never thought or acted for themselves any more than children have done under the guidance of their parents, is not a remedy, but a grievous evil to both black and white. Were you to witness the scenes I have, you would shudder at the sight— Old and young, blind and lame, with heavy packs, crowd the highways and the by ways, rushing on through heat and dust for free papers and as certainly to ultimate distruction, as presses the Pilgrim Hindoo on his path to perish by the hand of the god he worships. The unrestrained Abolitionist, whose only feeling is envy and malice to the whites and whose selfish heart would not give a dime for the purchase or freedom of a slave, is to be the death of the African race in America But as I set out to you some idea of the state of things in Kentucky I will on with the work. The servants being seduced from their happy homes by the pledge of free papers at Camp Nelson, assemble in such numbers as to render their condition uncomfortable and unhealthy; so much so that the fatality amongst those deluded creaturs has been sadly and notoriously great. Mothers becoming wearied with the toil of their children and scarce of food often neglect them till they perish, while others throw them into the ponds around camp Nelson, from which many have been taken Disease of every kind, Private and public, seems to be rife in their ranks, and the time is fast coming when, if not checked, the loafing vagrants and filthy lepers will die off like sheep with the rot. The worst feature about this Camp Nelson business is, that the blacks have taken up the idea that their free papers is to enable them to live the remainder of their lives without work, and that the Government will support them, at the expense and labor of the white man: in short, they feel that by the aid of the military, they can defy the decrees of Heaven itself which bid them get their living in the sweat of their face—Yes and there is another unfortunate sequel of this pass manufactory; those servants who return home, do not do it with the view of living in harmony with their old Master, but to taunt him with their free papers and threaten him with military power; a thing illy calculated to reconcile people with the Administration or gain friends to the Constitutional amendment, as you will find, by the result of the Kentucky election…

…I am a Quaker and had intended to address you Brother Andrew, for we are all Brothers and should not be offended at any familiarity intended for the good of all so I have made free to advise with you upon some subjects, I will farther say to you, that I am one who would be unwilling to see our poor black Breathen driven from their native land; but think they should remain amongst us, where the climate suits them, where their labor is wanted and where they can get good wages and feel at home. There is, at present, much bad feeling between the races in Kentucky, owing mainly to the premature and daring interference,as before related, with our domestic institutions. The blacks are not to blame, but the whites who seduce them from home in more ways than one, and make them insolent and refractory. Your authority however will soon settle all things down satisfactorily. A captain in your servic stationed at Camp Nelson, told us here, a few days ago, that the authorities there were giving seventy-five dollars a head for cows to give milk to the idle blacks who would not work—This he did not approbate, nor will the people of the U.States, who pay the tax, approbate it.

Just proclaim to the blacks and to your Agents, that they must go to work and support themselves, and all will soon go like clock work, for the blacks will then want a home and the whites want their services. This would be humanity to the tender infants many of whom are daily dieing for want of care, and it would give to the infirm a home, where they might again be taken into favor and receive the blessings of friendship and kindness in their dieing moments. I do not wish to bore you, but while on this subject will say, that I recogniz the white man, the black man and the red man, and all human beings on earth, as of the one great family, and for the brute force of one over the other, I have a deeply abiding and religious abhorrence; consequently feel more rational kindness for our coloured breathern than any abolitionist in the north, for their envious and levelling spirit seems to be against their white breathen and spending nothing and careing nothing of what becomes of the blacks. Thousands of dollars may be taken out of the pocket of a white brother in Kentucky, and they will chuckle over it—ah, and take but one dollar out of theirs by the same authority, and they would cry robbery. robbery!

Thus you will see that I am not promted by any designing or party spirit, but that my efforts are for peace peace and prosperity to all; and now knowing God to be my judge, who will approbate what I have said, I have a hope that you will forgive any seeming impropriety in this my appeal to you. Most respectfully and sincerely, your adviser well wisher and Friend

C. Graham, M.D.

In the Museum
Students experience an interpretation of slavery in the Middle Passage “A River So Wide and So Deep” Exhibit and stand in a space resembling an auction block. In this space, students ask, “How does it feel to stand here? What do you think the people standing here to be sold may have been feeling?” Students learn more about the day-to-day lives of enslaved persons in Kentucky.

While touring the “Life, Liberty, and Property” Gallery, students can compare various perspectives on slavery and can assemble their own thoughts, using magnetic word and picture tiles.

Post-Visit
After analyzing this letter and exploring the multiple perspectives about slavery in the Center, each student becomes the president of the United States in order to draft a letter of response to Dr. Graham. Replies should address the issues of 1865 but also should include the student’s own personal feelings regarding these issues. Students may, therefore, suggest a solution to the problems of 1865 based on their beliefs and the beliefs of our society today.

Drawing of working in tobacco fields
Workers in Tobacco Field